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The Evening Star, January 15, 1! 



HAWAIIAN TREATY 



Methods Resorted to by Opponents to Annexation. 



MISREPRESENTING GEN. 5CH0FIELD. 



The Veteran Officer a Firm Believer in Annexing the Islands. 



HIS REASONS GIVEN. 



" The opponents to the Hawaiian Annexation Treaty are so 
hard pressed that they are being forced to conspiracy, forgery and 
fraud to bolster up their cause." Such was the statement made 
by a gentleman who has kept pretty well posted on the matter to 
a Star reporter to-day. "They are flooding the country with 
pamphlets, magazines, circular letters and prepared editorial mat- 
ter antagonistic to annexation. If they confined themselves to 
facts and truthful statements, no one could reasonably object to 
this method of disseminating information ; but by reason of their 
lack of facts they have been reduced to the necessity of issuing 
fraudulent statements." 

One of the pamphlets being issued by the opponents to annex- 
ation and examined by a Star reporter is entitled : "Hawaiian 
Annexation Scheme (A Sugar Trust Plot), Exposed by General 
Schofield." 

The manifest intent of the title of this pamphlet is to indicate 
that Gen. Schofield is the author thereof, and that he is opposed 
to annexation. 

Gen. Schofield, it is asserted, is not the author of the pamphlet ; 
had nothing to do with it, and is a radical supporter of. annexation, 
as is evidenced by his letter to Senator Morgan, published below. 

The pamphlet, which purports to have been written by Gen. 
Schofield, has no reference to him, and contains nothing ever 
"exposed" or written by him, with the exception that on pages 



17 and 18 there is a brief extract from a report made by Gen. 
Schofield in 1873 concerning Pearl Harbor, in which he says that 
many of the Hawaiian sugar planters of that day favored annexa- 
tion for the purpose of getting their sugar into the United States 
free of duty, the report being made prior to the negotiation of the 
reciprocity treaty. 

This pamphlet is one that is being published and disseminated 
anonymously, without even the name of the printer attached 
thereto. It is being mailed by those who, it is alleged, are 
masquerading as the representatives of the beet sugar people of 
the country, who are in fact the agents of the sugar trust. 

Gen. Schofieed's Letter. 

The letter from Gen. Schofield to Senator John T. Morgan is 
as follows : 

St. Augustine, Vh\. y Jan. 12, "98. 
Hon. John T. Morgan, United States Senate, 
Washington, D. C: 
My Dear Senator : In compliance with the request contained in your 
letter of January 9, I do not hesitate to write you without reserve in respect 
to my views upon the pending question of annexation with the Hawaiian 
Islands. 

From the time, twent} r -five years ago, when I made a personal examina- 
tion, for the purpose of ascertaining the value of those islands to this coun- 
try for military and naval purposes, I have always regarded ultimate annex- 
ation of the islands to this country as a public necessity. But the time when 
this should be accomplished had to depend on natural political development. 
In the meantime our national interests should be secured by the exclusive 
right to occupy, improve and fortify Pearl River Harbor, so as to insure our 
possession of that harbor in time of war. 

To illustrate my views on this subject, I have likened that harbor to a 
commanding position in front of a defensive line which an army in the field 
is compelled to occupy. The army must occupy that advanced position and 
hold it, at whatever cost, or else the enemy will occupy it with his artillery 
and thus dominate the main line. If we do not occupy and fortify Pearl River 
Harbor our enemy will occupy it as a base from which to conduct operations 
against our Pacific Coast and the Isthmean canal, which must, of course, in 
due time, be constructed and controlled by this country. The possession of 
such a base at a convenient distance from our Pacific Coast would be a great 
temptation to an unfriendfy nation to undertake hostile operations against us. 

One of the greatest advantages of Pearl River Harbor to us consists in the 
fact that no navy would be required to defend it. It is a deep, land-locked 
arm of the sea, easily defended by fortifications placed near its mouth, with 

2 



its anchorage beyond the reach of guns from the ocean. Cruisers or other 
warships which might be overpowered at sea, as well as merchant vessels, 
would find there, behind the land defenses, absolute security against a naval 
attack. A moderate garrison of regular troops, with militia of the island, 
would give sufficient protection against any lauding parties from a hostile 
fleet. Of course an army on transports, supported by a powerful fleet, could 
land and capture the place. But that would be an expensive operation ; one 
much less likely to be undertaken than the occupation of an undefended har- 
bor, as a necessary preliminary to an attack on our coast or upon our commerce. 

The value of such a place of refuge and of supplies for our merchant 
marine and our cruisers in time of war can hardly be overestimated. Yet 
the greatest value to us of that wonderful harbor consists in the fact that its 
position and adequate defense by us prevents the possibility of an enemy 
using it against us. 

So far as I know, the leading statesmen, no less than the military and 
naval authorities of this country, have always been in accord on this subject. 

While it has not been proposed to interfere with the continued occupa- 
tion by foreign nations of their military strongholds in this hemisphere, it 
has been publicly and emphatically declared that none of those strongholds 
should ever be allowed to pass into the possession of any other nation whose 
interests might be antagonistic to ours. Now, for the first time, the occasion 
has arisen to carry into effect our long-declared national policy. 

A little State like Hawaii can not stand alone among the great nations, 
all of whom covet her incomparable harbor. She must have the protection 
of this country or of some other great nation. But a protectorate without 
sovereignty is the last thing this country could afford to assume. 

In the absence of authority to regulate and control the intercourse be- 
tween the islands and other countries controversies must arise which would 
lead to war or to the loss of our invaluable military possession in the islands. 

No half-way measures will suffice. We must accept the islands and 
hold and govern them, or else let some other great nation do it. 

To fail now to carry into effect our own great national policy upon the 
first occasion offered to us would, in my judgment, be one of those blunders 
which are worse than crimes. 

To my mind, what may be regarded perhaps as the sentimental aspect 
of the question is entitled to consideration. 

A colon)- of intelligent, virtuous and patriotic Americans have rescued 
a country from barbarism and raised it to a high state of civilization and 
prosperity, until in the natural course of events the government of that coun- 
try has fallen entirely into their hands. They now ask the privilege of add- 
ing that country to their own native land ; of returning with their new pos- 
sessions to the parental fold. Can they be turned awa}> to seek a home among 
strangers ? Not without violating one of the most sacred laws of nature and 
incurring the penalty which must, sooner or later, necessarily follow. 

I am, dear Senator, with great respect, Sincerely yours, 

(Signed) J. M. SCHOFIKLD. 



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The Evening Star, December 30, 1897. 

WE NEED HAWAII. 



Interesting Letter Addressed to Senator John T. Morgan. 



RESULT OF A LONG EXPERIENCE. 



Value of the Islands in a Commercial and Military Sense. 



A GOLDEN OPPORTUNITY. 



Col. Charles P. Eagan, Assistant Commissary General of Sub- 
sistence of the United States Army, has written a letter to Sena- 
tor Morgan upon the subject of the annexation of Hawaii, which 
will be read with interest. Colonel Kagan has been a resident of 
the Pacific Coast for forty-five years and claims to be thoroughly 
familiar with Hawaiian trade and its vast importance to this 
country, which, he says, he has seen "as the life blood of San 
Francisco during the recent years of depression, giving employ- 
ment to a fleet of sailing ships and steamers, all flying the Amer- 
ican flag ; employing our wharves, laborers, teamsters, mechanics, 
foundries, mills and sugar refineries, in addition to the purchase 
from our merchants of about $5, 000, 000 annual^ of merchandise, 
much of which is produced east of the Missouri River. ' ' 

Colonel Eagan continues : 

"So important, indeed, is this trade to the Pacific Coast that 
you have now, in the Senate, a petition from the people of San 
Francisco representing some $800,000,000 ; and, in this connec- 
tion, it may be truthfully said that if put to a vote the people of 
the Pacific Coast, aside from the few controlled or directed by the 
sugar trust and its partners and agents, would vote overwhelm- 
ingly for annexation. The importance of this lies in the fact 
that they are familiar with this subject and know the value from 
all standpoints and also know the grave danger that lies in failure 
to annex the Hawaiian Islands now. 



4 



The Beet Sugar Interest. 



"It is contended by self-constituted advocates of the beet 
sugar industry that annexation of the Hawaiian Islands will in- 
terfere with the profitable production of beet sugar in this country, 
and to support this contention they have resorted to the statement, 
formally proclaimed, that laborers in the Hawaiian Islands work 
for $3 per month and board. As you know from personal exam- 
ination that this is unqualifiedly false I will not go into facts and 
figures to disprove it. The fact is, though not generally known, 
that no matter how much beet sugar we may eventually produce 
in this country we still must have cane sugar, and far more than 
the amount that can, or ever will be, produced in the United 
States. Any candy manufacturer will verify this. But, in any 
case, there is no danger whatever to the beet sugar grower of the 
United States. Who shall say, seriously, that we can produce in 
the next twenty years enough beet sugar to fill the requirements 
of this country, which are at present more than 2,000,000 tons. 
Colonel Sellers alone could father such a proposition. By the 
time we begin to produce beet sugar approximating our present 
requirements the increase of our population will require far more 
than the comparatively small output of Hawaiian cane sugar, and 
it must be stated here that the maximum Hawaiian production 
has been reached, for all the lands of the Islands suitable for sugar 
are already under cultivation. 



Opportunities for White Men. 

1 ' It has been asserted by those interested in preventing the 
annexation of these Islands that Hawaii is not a place for white 
labor. This contention seems verified because at present there is 
little white labor there, but neither was there any white 
labor in the hot valleys of California before it became a part of 
this country, and it was alleged that white labor could not ever 
be used there. These valleys are now full of white labor. We 
all know white labor does not emigrate from the United States, 
but, as in other cases, when we acquire the territory and once 
plant our flag there, Americans will promptly show that they can 
and will labor in Hawaii, where the temperature is much lower 



5 



and not so enervating as in the hot valleys of the Sacramento and 
the San Joaquin above referred to. 

' ' Already many young men have gone from California to 
Hawaii in anticipation of annexation, to make it their home ; to 
build up the coffee and other promising industries. On this point 
I beg to quote here from the San Francisco Chronicle, one of the 
ablest newspapers in America. In the issue of December 15, 
1897, it sa Y s : ' The attempt to make it appear that Hawaii is not 
a suitable place for white labor rests on the assumption that 
nothing can be raised there but sugar cane. This overlooks the 
enormous possibilities of coffee, bananas and pineapples, and the 
openings for skilled labor in every trade. There is as much or 
more coffee acreage on the breezy uplands and mountain sides of 
Hawaii as there is sugar land on the plains, and it is full of in- 
vitation to the white man of small means. To-day the wages of 
white labor are higher in Hawaii than they are on the coast, but 
are nothing to what they would be if the Islands should fill up 
with a productive white population engaged in raising products 
which always bring large returns. ' 

For Men of Small Means. 

' ' Hawaii presents peculiarly favorable inducements to men of 
families and small means, precisely such as constitute the main- 
stay of a country in peace and war, and a class we are all most 
anxious to encourage and increase. The first, or maiden crop of 
the coffee tree in Hawaii, is one pound to the tree ; the second 
bearing is fully two pounds to a tree. The tree begins bearing 
when three and a half years old. A man of family and small 
means can do all his own work, and forty acres of coffee can be 
easily cared for by himself and family, the pruning and picking 
being the easiest kind of labor. The Hawaiian coffee is unequaled 
for excellence, and commands from 2 to 3 cents per pound more 
than the finest grade of Cost Rica or Guatemala coffee in the mar- 
ket of San Francisco. Hawaiian coffee is selling there now at 
from 18 to 20 cents per pound, and the regret on all sides is that 
there is so little of it. It is so superior that it needs no blending 
or mixing with any other coffee, and, in the language of a Senator 
of the United States who recently visited the coffee plantations of 

6 



Hawaii, my son's among them, 'it is so good that the cooks can 
not spoil it.' 

"Believing that President McKinley's course in recommending 
the annexation of these islands was, and is, wise, patriotic and in 
strict accord with his high office ; that his intentions and views are 
statesmanlike and far-seeing to a most pre-eminent degree, and in 
the true interest of the constantly growing needs and requirements 
of this whole country, I felt and still feel, as do many others, that 
the Congress of the United States will wisely and patriotically 
second his efforts to secure to us this paradise of the Pacific, and 
plant our flag there, never again to be pulled down while one 
American lives. 

Other Nations Want Hawaii. 

' ' The commercial side of the proposition is by no means the 
most important. It is mere foil}' to assume that other nations do 
not want Hawaii. Their unconcealed interest in the present situ- 
ation of affairs, and various recent events that need not be speci- 
fied, prove the contrary. No one can justly blame them for this 
desire. They need Hawaii as we need it — because its possession 
dominates and commands the entire North Pacific, where to-day, 
as prophesied by Secretary Seward, the commercial and other 
conditions are more rapidly changing than anywhere else on the 
globe. 

" Hawaii is the stepping stone, the gate-way of Asia and the 
pivotal point of the whole Pacific ; the one, the only, point of sup- 
ply for thousands of miles in any direction. A glance at the map 
will show its prodigious importance to any nation which possesses 
it. It is nearer to us than any nation, and, as a matter of fact, 
though not generally remembered by even our well-informed peo- 
ple, it is east of our western boundary of Alaska ; and the Aleu- 
tian Islands, our possessions, are about a thousand miles still fur- 
ther west of Hawaii. Non-contiguity, the stock argument of so 
many people (used likewise against our acquisition of Alaska), is 
of little value or force when these facts are considered. Another 
glance at the map will reveal the vital, overwhelming importance 
of Hawaii in connection with the Nicaragua Canal, which sooner 

7 



or later must be constructed, and I firmly believe is deferred mere- 
ly because of our excessive caution, prudence and conservatism. 
We were, as we all remember, equally conservative about the 
building of our railroad to the Pacific coast. The- war broke out, 
and an empire, from the British possessions to Texas and from the 
Pacific Ocean to the Rocky Mountains, was put in jeopardy b)~ the 
previous failure to build that road. As a consequence California 
and Oregon, while in one sense overwhelmingly lo3 T al, were large- 
1} T disloyal because the Pacific Railroad had not been built and 
the troops recruited in San Francisco for service east were retained 
on the coast by the War Department because of the feeling, and 
the possible action of those who advocated a 1 Pacific Republic. ' 
The road was finally built and the people were satisfied. It was 
deemed, and in very fact the building of the road was, essentially 
and thorough^ a war measure. Its construction and loyal citi- 
zens kept the Pacific Coast in the Union, and California poured 
its gold into the Treasury and the blessed sanitary commission. 

Duty of This Nation. 
" In the lives of nations, as of individuals, there are times 
when a course of conduct is thrust or forced on them ; a condi- 
tion prevailing which, irrespective of all arguments, leaves open 
but one wise course. This, I believe, is the case in regard to an- 
nexing the Hawaiian Islands now. It is conceded that under no 
circumstances can we, or should we, permit any other nation to 
acquire Hawaii ; and we know that for over sevent}^ 5^ears this na- 
tion, by its highest officials and the explicit resolutions of Con- 
gress, has practically said, 'Hands off Hawaii' to all other nations. 
It must be admitted that there has existed an overruling cause for 
this course on our part. That cause was, and is, self-preservation, 
self-defense, self-protection, defense and protection of that which 
is ours and for which we are ever read\^ to fight if need be. Here- 
in lies the vast importance to us of Hawaii. 

A Coaling Station. 
' ' A child now knows that the value or usefulness of a modern 
man-of-war is limited to her coal capacity. Without coal she is 
merely so much iron and steel, harmless as the proverbial lamb. 
The nation that holds Hawaii possesses the one point where coal 

8 



and other supplies can be obtained in the North Pacific. A war 
ship from the Asiatic Coast is about out of coal when she reaches 
the Pacific Coast. Some one may remark that a British battle- 
ship, in case of war between England and the United States, can 
recoal at Esquimault. I say no, because we will then have taken 
Esquimault by land, and I never thought the armaments of Esqui- 
mault were, or are, intended for us. They are intended for the 
great and important changes and events now, as for years past, 
taking place in the Pacific. In fact, within the last few days the 
world has come to realize that the dismemberment of China has 
begun ; and Japan, having emerged from her position as a hermit 
nation, has become a strong insular warlike power, with military 
prestige and existing conditions of over-population, etc., which 
cause her to have aspirations, natural aspirations, which she feels 
quite capable of indulging and seems more than ready to main- 
tain. Whatever may be her intention or wishes touching Hawaii, 
it still remains for us to know, as we do, that her possession of 
Hawaii would be of the gravest import to us. 

The Hawaiian Race. 

"The Hawaiian race has been and is rapidly dying out, and, 
in fact, is to-day in the minority in Hawaii. Aside from the nat- 
ural desire of some Hawaiians, who see ' place and profit ' in the 
restoration of the monarchy, the natives care nothing about so- 
called self-government. They never have been self-governed since 
they were brought out of savagery and barbarism b} r Americans. 
Their kings w T ere always guided and controlled by Americans who 
were the advisers and officers of the government. This continued 
down to a few years ago, when the ex-queen, by her determination 
to do those things which threatened the safety of life and property, 
and indicated a relapse into the habits and superstitions of the 
ancient barbarism of Hawaii, forced the law-abiding Americans 
into revolution as a mere matter of self-protection and defense. 
That they did not resort to revolution as ' pocket patriots ' for 
self-aggrandizement or profit, still less for power, is demonstrated 
by their repeated offers of their power and their country to Amer- 
ica ; that they did not assume pow T er for profit is proven by their 
honest, wise and economical administration of all the affairs of the 
republic, with revenues exceeding expenditures, and not even a 

9 



whisper of corruption or impropriety of any kind. But they, one 
and all, are anxious to lay down their burdens of office. They 
realize the feebleness and helplessness of their mite of a republic 
in the event of complications sure to arise ; they know their dan- 
ger from outside causes and from powerful ambitious nations by 
reason of the strategic importance of Hawaii to countries who need 
the islands for the dominating power their possessions would give 
in the entire Pacific. They know, too, the vast import of recent, 
startling events, and the probable consequence to them if they are 
obliged to stand alone. They can not stand alone ; they make no 
pretense to be able to do so ; they must, if we decline to annex them, 
and thereby turn our backs on our own flesh and blood, our own 
people, who have made Hawaii what it is. Then, indeed, must they 
turn to some other powerful nation for annexation, protection and 
security to life and property. And if the)' do what can we do in 
such a case? This is the all-important condition which confronts 
us. 

Against a Protectorate. 

' ' I have heard suggestions of a protectorate. I pray god will 
keep this nation from indulging in the hazardous business of pro- 
tectorates ; from responsibility for the acts of peoples we do not 
control, whose laws we do not make, and whose conduct we can 
not regulate ; from the extraordinary expense of their care and 
protection resulting from every trivial cause of dispute which 
powerful nations, at times, find it convenient to thrust upon 
pigmies compelled by circumstances and conditions to masquerade 
as nations. A protectorate in time of war will not be respected. 
Hawaii would be seized, fortified and used ; her strategic import- 
ance would be the first consideration, and her natural uses be 
made available at once by the nation concerned. 

' ' We would make a Gibraltar of Hawaii. We would place the 
enemy, thereby, two thousand miles from our coast. We would 
use Hawaii for our fleets for refuge, refitting and supplies, and the 
possession of Hawaii would be an all-important powerful means 
of preventing war. 

' ' Pearl Harbor can be made impregnable at comparatively 
small cost, and thus quarrelsome and ambitious nations now at- 
taining permanent footholds on the Asiatic Coast, near our very 

10 



doors, will be, by our possession of Hawaii, served with notice of 
our strength, and they will, because thereof, hesitate long before 
provoking us to war. 

Honor Demands Annexation. 

"In addition, there is a weighty consideration in this matter 
that can not be overlooked or disregarded. Its stupendous 
weight is in its literal and exact truth. The statesman who pre- 
sides over this great country has told it, shortly and briefly. It 
is that in view of the past, and every thing considered, our honor 
demands the annexation of Hawaii, and this transcends all other 
considerations whether of commerce or military or naval need. 

' ' We have acquired, in one way and another, a great deal of 
territory. Some we conquered, some we annexed, and some we 
bought. Lives there one American who regrets any of these ac- 
quisitions, or would not spill his blood in defense of each and 
every fraction of an inch of it all ? Can any one deny the great 
need and value of it all, and that to these acquisitions we owe our 
present greatness, vastness and colossal power? And yet there 
lived men who opposed these various additions to our country. 

" When Secretary Seward bought Alaska for us, newspaper 
statesmen ridiculed him ; asserted that he was in his dotage and 
raised the bugaboo of non-contiguity. Would any American sur- 
render or sell Alaska to-day ? Has it not prevented the spread of 
any other nation on this continent ? Has it not repaid us more 
than twenty times over ? Are we not rich in its fish, lumber, 
furs and gold ? And has it not opened up a most important and 
profitable commerce ? Has not its possession limited, ' cribbed, 
cabined and confined ' our great rival, Great Britain, on this con- 
tinent, and demonstrated the wisdom and statesmanship of 
Seward, who will be remembered for this purchase for ages to 
come with gratitude and profound respect ? He has them now ; 
as time rolls on and Alaska unfolds her resources, that respect 
and admiration will increase, and yet this purchase of Alaska was 
but his preliminary step (so he has told us), for the acquisition of 
Hawaii when the fruitfulness of time shall ripen the proposition 
and evidence our need, imperative need, of its possession. That 
need our far-seeing statesman-President sees. And so, undeterred 
by schemers, gigantic trusts or interests of any kind other than 

ii 



those of his country ; from his high place, obedient to his oath of 
office, with his keen sense of honor, his pure patriotism and pro- 
found statesmanship, he tells the American Congress and the 
American people why we should have Hawaii and that our honor 
demands it. 

" Anticipating just this, my son and other young men have, as 
you know, become a part of the advance guard of Americans to 
populate Hawaii, to help build it up and fill it with Americans, to 
develop its immense neglected and dormant resources ; and, as I 
firmly believe that coffee will in the near future far exceed in 
value the output of sugar. I am equally sure that Hawaii will 
soon have hundreds of thousands of American population. 

Form of Government. 

" The question of the form of government to be given Hawaii 
after annexation has interested some. If its population continues 
as it is now I would suggest attaching it to California as a county, 
if the laws of California will permit that course. I have no doubt 
whatever that the people of California would gladly welcome Ha- 
waii, with its wealth and great resources. But, as there is no 
doubt at all that Hawaii will be promptly settled and filled with 
Americans, it would seem just and wise to give it such form of 
territorial government as Congress may, in its wisdom, deem ap- 
propriate and best. 

' ' Interested parties have sought in the newspapers to create an 
impression that the acquisition of Hawaii will bring upon us a 
horde of cheap labor. The fallacy of this argument is exposed 
when it is answered that, except the few Chinamen now in Hawaii, 
any and every laborer there, Japanese and Portuguese, can come 
to this country now. No law, nothing, restrains or hinders their 
coming now if they want to come. So far as the Chinese are con- 
cerned, they are debarred at all points, and their labor contracts 
with Hawaiian planters expressly provide and stipulate for their 
return to China. 

" Labor will not come from Hawaii ; it will be just the oppo- 
site, labor will go there from here. You who have visited Hawaii 
need not be told of its beauty, fertility and surpassingly superb 
climate. Labor will seek it as the tourist does, because of its 
wealth of attractiveness, great resources and equable climate. 

12 



Hawaii produces, and will produce, things which we need and 
want, and do not produce ourselves. On the other hand, Hawaii 
wants, and will want much more in time, almost everything that 
we produce and manufacture. In nothing does or will Hawaii 
compete with our production or labor. All the cane sugar pro- 
duced there is, and always will be, needed by us, no matter how 
much beet sugar is grown in this country. 

" This is our golden opportunity to annex these islands ; to ex- 
tend to our own people there the protection for life and property 
which goes with our flag, which they so earnestly want and ask 
for ; to prevent Hawaii's being constrained to go to some other 
nation for annexation and thereby becoming a menace to us here- 
after ; to forever maintain and sustain there the Christianity 
planted and taught by our own people, who are now still, as they 
have been for years, suppliants, begging to be taken by us ; to 
become a part of us, and offering us, without price or any consid- 
eration whatever, this priceless jewel, gateway, stepping stone 
and future Gibraltar of the vast Pacific." 



The Evening Star, January 5, 1898. 

ADMIRAL BEARDSLEE'S VIEWS. 



He Heartily Indorses the Letter of Col. Eagan as to Hawaii. 



Some days ago The Star published a letter from Col. Charles 
Eagan, Assistant Commissary General of Subsistence, U. S. A., to 
Senator Morgan, under the heading "We Need Hawaii." This 
letter attracted wide attention, and among other letters received 
by Col. Eagan was one from Rear Admiral Beardslee of the United 
States Navy, who was recently in Honolulu, in command of the 
United States Squadron in the Pacific. Admiral Beardslee says : 

" Allow me to assure you that, having carefully read and thoroughly con- 
sidered your letter, entitled ' We Need Hawaii,' I most heartily indorse every 
liue and sentiment therein contained." 



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